Much At Stake In IMF-War Funding Supplemental

by: Chris Bowers

Tue Jun 16, 2009 at 13:14


The most interesting American political story unfolding today is the fight in the House over the Afghanistan--Iraq--IMF--Cash for Clunkers--Torture Photos supplemental funding bill. There is a lot at stake in this bill, which still might not have the votes to pass. Here is why it is worth watching:

  1. Will the Progressive--Republican coalition hold? The reason this bill is in trouble is because of an alliance between House Progressives and House Republicans. The main objection from both camps is opposition to the IMF funding. Thirty-three House Progressives circulated a letter indicating that they would vote against any blank-check IMF funding, which was attached to the bill in the Senate. House Republicans have also reversed their once overwhelming support for the supplemental, due to the attachment of IMF funding.

    If the supplemental is defeated, it means that the war funding will have to be passed separately from the IMF funding. This would be the first successful defeat of Democratic legislation by a Progressive--Republican alliance since 1999. It would also signal a new path to Progressive Caucus influence over future Democratic legislation. As Jane Hamsher writes:

    Make them separate these bills so the IMF can come out from behind the war funding and we can have an honest discussion about whether we really need a $108 billion European bank bailout right now.

    I'm feeling more hopeful about a public plan, though. If Obama will make calls for this, surely he'll do so for healthcare.

    Progressives have been working to develop such influence for quite some time now. Defeating

  2. Will the IMF status quo be changed? If the IMF is forced to be voted upon separately from the war funding, it might mean an end to the status quo of the IMF itself. This is because the same Progressive-Republican alliance can form to prevent IMF funding when it is considered by itself. However, House Progressives have indicated, through the above mentioned letter, that they would vote for IMF funding if certain strings and reforms were attached to the funding.

    The four bullet points outlined in the letter would effectively put an end to the era of the "IMF riot," and make a real dent in the so-called Washington consensus. It would mean that many of the demands made by anti-World Bank and IMF protests ten years ago will have been enshrined into U.S. law. That would be a truly remarkable progressive victory over international neoliberal economic policy, and really change the world.

This is a big vote. If Congress can't get anything done without the approval of an emerging Progressive block, then Progressives will suddenly have the ability to make real change both at home and abroad.

No matter what happens, it is pretty impressive that a few dozen Progressives, and a coalition of blogs, managed to hold up White House approved legislation this long.

Chris Bowers :: Much At Stake In IMF-War Funding Supplemental

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"Without the Approval of a Progressive Block" (4.00 / 1)
This is a very intriguing new take. The vote will either empower Progressives, or it will send the White House into the arms of Republicans --  though it is hard to imagine that they would be embracing Obama with open arms.

How it plays out will be very interesting, but hopefully the pseudo-centrism of Democrats is being challenged by those more in tune with voters and the public in general.


I saw the potential for a progressive-conservative alliance (4.00 / 2)
against the corporate "center" back in the fight against TARP.  In terms of policy outcomes at least, populist conservatives and progressives are not at polar ends of a linear political spectrum, but have numerous opportunities to work together.  It reminds me of the Reform Party's endorsement of Ralph Nader back in the day.

Mea culpa (0.00 / 0)
If this passes there will be plenty of blame to go around-most of it legitimately directed at Obama and the congressional leadership.

That said, some of it goes to us-and I include myself in this.  Had we made a full court press we might have been able to turn the small number of reps who look like they will capitulate.  For example, Hamsher's list of likely yes votes includes Maurice Hinchey (from the adjacent CD to mine).

With enough constituent pressure, I'm confident he would have buckled. That he went along to get along is probably an indication that he didn't get enough.

I could have done more and probably should have.

We need to keep this in mind as it seems certain that these sorts of votes will come up routinely in this administration.







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